Discussion of the U-Haul item at the Planning Commission meeting last night.

PREVIOUSLY:

• The McKinleyville U-Haul’s Request for 22 New Exterior Signs May Finally Be Decided Tonight

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Last night the Humboldt County Planning Commission, on a vote of 3 to 1, allowed the U-Haul mega-center in McKinleyville some of the controversial signage it’s been asking for, while at the same time scaling back other aspects of the proposed design.

In response to community input, the commission decided to deny several of the more decorative signs proposed at the U-Haul complex, which occupies both the old Ray’s Food Place and the old K-Mart in the Mill Creek Market complex at the south end of Central Avenue.

In addition, the commission asked staff to work with the business to reduce the size of some of the signs designed to provide directions to patrons of the U-Haul.

Planner Alice Vasterling, who opened the meeting with a short staff report, told commissioners that the planning department had received 19 letters or emails since the commission last talked about the matter in early September. Two of the letters were in favor of the signage and 17 were opposed, she said.

People who oppose the proposed signage — which would have gone beyond what is allowed by regular standards, thus requiring special approval — believe that it would impart an “industrial” feel to the town, and is out of scale with the surrounding neighborhood.

“McKinleyville needs businesses to serve the local community and create meaningful jobs for the community,” said McKinleyville resident Charles Perkins at last night’s meeting. “A self-service storage facility will not create significant number of jobs and more signs is not going to change that fact.”

Dale Huber, manager of the U-Haul location, made a brief case for the application as it stood, and particularly for the orange signs depicting roll-up gates, which some commissioners had questions about.

“Only about like six are where they have letters and stuff,” he said. “It’s our address that we’re trying to get on there. And the storage doors, we wouldn’t even, if we painted on them, we wouldn’t even need a permit. All I’m just trying to say is … we definitely need them.”

After a bit of discussion, the commission voted to approve U-Haul’s application, but only on condition that the orange roll-up gate signs be denied, and that some directional signs — such as the “Drive-In Storage” sign depicted above — be reduced in scale.

Commissioner Thomas Mulder — who had been supportive of U-Haul’s plans in past meetings, was the lone “no” vote on this compromise solution. After the vote was taken, he made sure that U-Haul knew that it had 10 days to appeal the decision to the Humboldt County Board of Supervisors.

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Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a bill that would have tightened rules on how police in California use automated license plate readers, saying the regulations would impede criminal investigations.

The Legislature approved the proposal last month amid reports police were misusing the data, including a CalMatters story in June showing that officers on more than 100 occasions violated a state law against sharing the data with federal authorities and others outside the state.

The veto comes as new CalMatters reporting shows Riverside County Sheriff’s deputies appear to have violated internal policy by not documenting the specific incident details related to the plate’s tracking.

In his veto message this week, Newsom cited examples of how the proposed restrictions, which would have required police to better document their searches and delete some of their data within two months, could stymie police work.

“For example,” he wrote, “it may not be apparent, particularly with respect to cold cases, that license plate data is needed to solve a crime until after the 60-day retention period has elapsed.”

But evidence is growing that the technology is being misused. Records newly reviewed by CalMatters indicate that Riverside County Sheriff’s deputies are misusing “hotlists” that allow them to automatically monitor for certain cars.

The measure vetoed by the governor, Senate Bill 274, would have limited the kinds of license plate monitoring lists agencies can use to those related to missing persons or license plate lists maintained by the National Crime Information Center or California Department of Justice. It also would have required data security and privacy training for officers who use the tech and force them to document which specific case or task force work a search is related to.

The bill also would have required agencies to delete some collected data within 60 days and instructed the state Department of Justice to perform random audits of how license plate technology is used.

The proposal drew opposition from nearly 30 law enforcement agencies and associations, including the Riverside County Sheriff’s Office and the California Police Chiefs Association. The Riverside County Sheriff’s Office opposed the bill because a requirement to delete data after two months could ”mean the difference between solving a murder and letting a killer walk free,” according to a letter written by sheriff Chad Bianco, a Republican candidate for governor.

Automated license plate readers can assist criminal investigations or help find stolen cars or missing people, but they can also make errors that lead to false arrests, or enable misuse for personal reasons.

A database of license plate lists from July to August reviewed by CalMatters shows that the Riverside County Sheriff’s Department, which has a network of more than 500 cameras, maintained hundreds of custom license plate lists from July to August, adding more than 700 plates to the lists in that time. Close to 100 of the plates tracked in lists were added using vague justifications, which makes it difficult to verify if deputies complied with laws and policies around use of the technology. Under department policy, tracking lists must include, among other things, “specific incident details.”

It’s not clear if deputies properly shared all hotlists with supervisors. Some have names that contain words like “personal” or “private.” A total of 32 of them have access permissions limiting alerts of a plate sighting to a single user. Riverside County Sheriff’s office automated license plate reader policy states that “no user shall create a custom hot list accessible only to themselves.”

A spokesperson for the Riverside County Sheriff’s Office wrote in an email that it is common practice for deputies to create personal hotlists tracking license plates and that all deputies are able to create such lists. Asked about vague justifications attached to some lists, they wrote, “These entries are related to criminal investigations.” The Riverside County Sheriff’s Office did not respond to questions about whether some deputy hotlists violated policy.

The database shows that deputies have several practices that would have been outlawed had Newsom signed the bill to further regulate license plate readers.

In the Riverside license plate hotlist data examined by CalMatters, over 90% of the license plate entries added to tracking in July and August left the case field blank, which would have been prohibited under the bill.

Last month, Briana Ortega filed a lawsuit against the Riverside County Sheriff’s Office, Sheriff Chad Bianco, and Deputy Eric Piscatella. Ortega alleges that after she met Piscatella at a festival in Coachella in September 2023, he stalked her in order to pursue a romantic relationship with her by illegally obtaining her phone number and address through a sheriff’s office database, then repeatedly running her license plate through Riverside County Sheriff’s Office and state database without legal cause. Piscatella pled guilty to seven counts of misusing sheriff’s department databases in July.

It’s unclear whether automated license plate readers played a role in deputy Piscatella’s misconduct.

When asked if Deputy Piscatella used ALPR to track Ortega’s whereabouts before the misconduct came to light, a department spokesperson told CalMatters “This information is part of an ongoing investigation.”

Police in other states have misused license plate readers. Earlier this year in Florida, a police officer was accused by police investigators of using automated license plate readers to stalk his girlfriend for seven months. Last year, a Kansas police chief resigned after a state commission said he used the tech to track an ex-girlfriend. Another Kansas police officer was arrested for allegedly using license plate readers to stalk his estranged wife.

Police and sheriff’s departments have a history of violating other laws by using license plate readers. A CalMatters investigation in June found that roughly a dozen law enforcement agencies throughout Southern California shared data with federal immigration agencies like Immigration and Customs Enforcement and the Border Patrol, a violation of a California law that went into effect 10 years ago. That same log had tens of thousands of searches with no clear justification.

Records requests by groups including the American Civil Liberties Union and the Electronic Frontier Foundation in 2023 found that 71 law enforcement agencies violated the state law against sharing license plate reader data with out-of-state agencies and the federal government. In the wake of those findings, Attorney General Rob Bonta issued an advisory to police with specific guidance on how to comply with the law.

Since 2024, Bonta’s office has sent letters to 18 law enforcement agencies across California for possible violations of state law, from sheriff’s offices in Contra Costa and Sacramento County in Northern California to the Riverside County Sheriff’s Office and the El Cajon Police Department in San Diego County. California Attorney General Rob Bonta filed a lawsuit against the city of El Cajon today alleging that the El Cajon Police Department repeatedly shared license plate reader data with law enforcement agencies in 26 states.

“This technology is ungovernable, given the number of agencies, interests, and impossibility of true compliance enforcement,” said UC San Diego associate professor Lilly Irani in response to the veto.

Irani is part of the steering committee for TRUST SD Coalition, a group of more than 30 organizations that’s pressuring the city of San Diego to end use of automated license plate readers.

The popularity of license plate readers among law enforcement agencies isn’t keeping up with the necessary civil liberty and privacy protections, said Pedro Rios, director of the American Friends Service Committee’s U.S.-Mexico Border Program, a group that opposes how surveillance tech impacts migrant communities in places like El Cajon. He thinks the governor missed an opportunity to have random audits of police departments to ensure compliance with existing law and protect against abuse of power

“If there is any misuse, how can we be sure that that type of misuse or recent practices aren’t repeated if the agencies that are using them aren’t being held accountable?” he said.

Press release from the Humboldt County Sheriff’s Office:

On October 2, 2025, at about 3:13 p.m., Humboldt County Sheriff’s deputies responded to the 400 block of Quarry Road in Trinidad for a report of shots fired. The victim, a 48-year-old Trinidad woman, told deputies that the suspect known to her only as “Susan” fired a gun inside the residence while she was cleaning.

Deputies later located the suspect, who initially identified herself as Susan Anderson. She was ultimately confirmed to be 61-year-old Susan Andersen-Drumm of Fort Collins, Colorado, wanted on a nationwide extraditable warrant out of Colorado.

During the investigation, deputies obtained a search warrant for the residence. A revolver, ammunition, and evidence of a bullet being fired inside the home were recovered. Andersen-Drumm was taken into custody without further incident.

She was booked into the Humboldt County Correctional Facility on the following charges:

• P.C 245(a)(2) - Assault with a Firearm 
• P.C. 246.3(a) - Negligent Discharge of a Firearm 
• P.C. 1551(a) - Fugitive from Justice 
• P.C. 148.9 (a) - Provide False Information to Peace Officer 

Anyone with information about this case or related criminal activity is encouraged to call the Humboldt County Sheriff’s Office at (707) 445-7251 or the Sheriff’s Office Crime Tip line at (707) 268-2539. 

I’ve always felt that there was something luxurious about days when I am able to go car-free. The fact that I can ride my bike, walk or take the bus to get to work (or wherever) means:

1. that I have enough time, something that is a luxury in a life where I often feel like I am rushing from one thing to the next,
2. that I am feeling well enough physically to haul my body around, and
3. that my bike is in working order.

When all of these things line up, I get the luxury of leaving my car at home. Getting around without a car requires more planning, but it can also mean there is more time to interact with the world. I can take the time to talk with my fellow humans while waiting at the bus stop; make eye contact with the seals as I ride along the Bay; watch birds and pet random cats; all things that I cannot do when piloting a steel box down the road.

I spent the better part of a decade without a car, so I’ve had some practice getting around this way. Currently I live in Eureka and work in Arcata, so I can access the best bike infrastructure and public transportation anywhere in the county. I have my bike bag ready with tools and a rain jacket. I know where to catch the bus and when. I have a local map in my head (and on my wall) and am in the habit of planning my errands so I can take care of them neighborhood by neighborhood. I am physically able to walk and bike and have big enough bags to carry most of what I need.

I was feeling pretty cocky about my ability to get myself where I needed to go this week, but all of my experience involves just getting me around. Not driving for a week wasn’t going to change my regular routine too much, but on Tuesdays I pick my two-year-old niece up from daycare at College of the Redwoods, and adding a toddler into the mix was a fun diversion from my regular transportation pattern.

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On this particular Tuesday, I was also volunteering at the AHHA shower van under the Samoa Bridge from 8 a.m. to 2 p.m. I often ride my bike to shower services, but usually have time to ride home, grab something to eat and let my dog out before driving to CR to get the kiddo. Not driving meant I needed to pack snacks and walk my dog before leaving the house for the day. I live at the bottom of a hill on a dead end street, so no matter what, my commute (or dog walk) starts with an uphill climb. This is also one of the reasons that I plan my trips: I don’t want to go up that hill more than I need to. The first time I did it on Tuesday, with my dog, was before the sun came up. I don’t love getting up before the sun, but every time that I’m forced to do so, I’m happy I did. Watching the sky gradually lighten while listening to the birds makes me feel like I am actually, actively connected to the world around me. The second time I walked up the hill that morning I was pushing a bike packed with everything I would need for my day.

Well, almost everything. I’d been fretting a little bit about taking my niece on a bus adventure. Not about the ride itself, but about how I was going to get her to and from the bus if she was tired. I decided I needed a stroller. Fortunately her mother works a block away from a Redwood Transit bus stop and I was able to stash my bike at her salon and grab a stroller before getting the bus.

Pushing a stroller around town has made me much more aware of the infrastructure challenges faced by people who use wheelchairs. There are a surprising number of sidewalks – especially in residential areas – that don’t have curb ramps: they just end, and you have to either plunge off the curb into the street (doable with a stroller because you can pop a wheelie) or go out of your way to find a place to cross. Sometimes that means using someone’s driveway and then riding/walking in the gutter until you can cross. I’ve found these situations to be great opportunities to rant to the two-year-old about transportation infrastructure. I’m sure she’ll thank me someday.

It turns out taking a toddler on public transportation is fun! And definitely not boring. I can’t even count the number of times I said, “Sit down. Put your butt in the seat. No, seriously.” But also, I got to experience a bus ride from her point of view. What a magical thing that we all get to ride on this giant vehicle together, look out windows while someone else drives, people-watch (the bus from CR is packed) and then pull the cord that goes “Ding!” when we want to get off. We will definitely be working this into our pick-up routine more often.

On the way home on Tuesday evening there was a killer double rainbow which I was easily able to stop and appreciate because I was on foot. I walked backwards down the street so I could stare at it. Can’t do that in a car.

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Making the commitment to not drive this week has made me think about the days that I do choose to drive. Often it’s because I’m in a hurry and didn’t plan well enough to be able to bike, or it’s because I have something heavy or large to transport, like building materials, groceries, or other humans. Conversely, not driving means that I have to think twice before taking things from free boxes (Is it heavy? Do I have room in my basket?), which is probably a good thing.

I also have friends and colleagues who don’t have cars, so I often get to play chauffeur. It makes me feel good to help people get where they need to go, and I have to confess that I will cheat once this week. On Friday I will drive a group of artists, none of whom have cars, from Our Space in Arcata to Eureka to go on a Madaket cruise with Humboldt Waterkeeper. The car will be full, though, so I think we get efficiency points for that.

I do think it’s important to acknowledge that my ability to easily get around without a car is a confluence of a number of factors, one of which is that I don’t have family that I need to transport on a daily basis. My stepchildren are young adults who don’t rely on me for transportation. In fact, one of them can drive me around if I need it. I also live in the most bikeable, walkable, busable areas in the county; it’s not perfect, but I feel safer than if I had to walk or bike along the highway everyday. Physical activity is an important part of my mental health regimen, so it’s convenient that transportation can be my physical activity for the day. I also love staring at clouds, and waiting for the bus is the perfect reason to stare into the distance.

With a little bit of planning, getting around without a car can be easy and fun. You might learn new things about your city. It can be helpful to start small and do it for pleasure before you start commuting. That way you can learn your way around without feeling rushed. And if you get a chance, take a toddler on the bus. It’s fun.

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Caroline Griffith has served on the City of Eureka Transportation Safety Commission since 2019. 

The national Week Without Driving runs from September 29 through October 5, 2025. It is an opportunity for participating public officials and other community members to get first-hand insights into the way many seniors, kids, people with disabilities, low-income people, and other non-drivers navigate our communities. Each day during the week, the Lost Coast Outpost is publishing reflections from local participants. For more information, visit this link.

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There’s a green button for “aye” and a red button for “no” on Concord Assemblymember Anamarie Ávila Farías’ desk.

She feels obligated to push one of those buttons for every bill that comes her way in the California Legislature – even if hitting the red one might make her an outlier among her Democratic colleagues. After all, they almost never vote against bills, particularly those authored by their fellow Democrats.

She voted “no” this year 41 times. That’s the most of any of California’s 90 Democratic lawmakers, who each voted “no” on average less than nine times in about 2,200 opportunities. That’s less than 1% of the time.

“There’s no third button,” Ávila Farías said in an interview. “I feel that people sent me to Sacramento to make hard decisions, and I have to answer to the voters, and laying off a bill is not showing up to represent my constituents.”

“Laying off” refers to a widespread practice in the Capitol: Instead of casting a “no” vote, lawmakers regularly choose not to vote at all. Not voting counts the same as “no.” It also counts the same as when a lawmaker isn’t there to cast a vote.

An analysis of the CalMatters’ Digital Democracy database, which tracks every vote in the Legislature, found that the average Democratic lawmaker missed close to 100 votes on bills this year. Republicans miss even more votes, despite, on average, casting a “no” vote 53 times more than the average Democrat. The minority party’s 30 lawmakers missed an average of nearly 400 votes this year, the analysis found.

It’s extremely difficult for the public to know if these non-votes were because a lawmaker had an excused absence or if they just dodged tough decisions. The Legislature’s public-facing bill tracking website, where Digital Democracy gets its information, records all missed votes exactly the same: “NVR,” short for “no vote recorded.”

Critics say the Legislature has made voting records opaque for a reason: It allows lawmakers to avoid accountability.

“Somebody’s voting record is the single most appropriate way for a voter to understand how they’re being represented in Sacramento, because it’s black and it’s white,” said Jon Fleischman, a longtime political strategist and conservative commentator. “When you go to look and you see that there’s ‘no vote recorded,’ you obviously don’t know what that means.”

Such criticism isn’t new. Last year, CalMatters and its partners at CBS News collaborated on an Emmy award-winning investigation on the consequences of lawmakers killing popular legislation by not voting on bills. Yet the practice shows no sign of abating. At least 22 bills failed in roll-call votes this year due to so many lawmakers not voting. They include controversial measures on criminal sentences, bear hunting, suing oil companies, streamlining housing permits, rural schools staffing and ballot initiative disclosures.

Why one Democrat doesn’t dodge votes

There seems to be little appetite in the Capitol to provide the public with a better accounting of missed votes versus absences.

The Legislature’s Democratic leaders, Senate President Pro Tem Mike McGuire of Santa Rosa and Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas of Salinas, did not respond to interview requests for this story.

Former lawmakers and Capitol insiders tell CalMatters that lawmakers who vote “no” risk annoying colleagues who might see a public rebuke of their bill as an insult and retaliate. They say lawmakers also fear angering wealthy lobbying organizations that have come to expect lawmakers to “hold off” on the rare times Democrats aren’t voting “aye” in lock-step. Democrats who control the Legislature voted “aye” on bills this year an average of 95% of the time, according to Digital Democracy’s analysis, which excluded votes on routine resolutions.

Ávila Farías voted “aye” at a pace in line with her fellow Democrats, but instead of not voting when she didn’t like a measure, she decided early this year to vote “no.”

Ávila Farías said the only time she chose not to vote on a bill happened near the start of the session shortly after being sworn in for her first term. Someone later asked her if she didn’t vote because she was “wandering” the hallways, implying she shirked responsibility. After that, she said she decided to always cast a vote.

Assemblymember Anamarie Ávila Farías on the Assembly floor during session at the state Capitol in Sacramento, on Jan. 23, 2025. Photo by Fred Greaves for CalMatters

“I’ll make sure that I’m very consistent and that you always know where I am on these bills,” she said.

So far, she said she’s not experienced any retaliation from her colleagues. If anything, she said her “no” votes have led to productive conversations that helped her colleagues improve their bills.

Meanwhile, she said was disappointed to learn from CalMatters that she had missed 22 votes this year. She said she tried her best to be present and vote on every measure, but a few inadvertently slipped by her.

“I’ll do better the next round and make sure it’s a zero,” she said.

Two other Dems aren’t afraid to say ‘no’

Assemblymember Jasmeet Bains had 36 “no” votes, the second most of any Democrat.

Bains, who’s running for her Bakersfield-area congressional district, has never been particularly shy about voting “no,” even if it irks her Democratic colleagues.

In 2023, she cast the lone Democratic “no” vote against Gov. Gavin Newsom’s bill that sought to punish oil companies for raising gas prices while earning record profits. Her vote drew immediate rebukes from Democratic leaders and Newsom’s office.

“At the end of the day,” she said, “I just hear what my community tells me and what they thank me for.”

Bains also missed 202 votes this year, causing her to have the tenth-highest rate of missed votes among Democrats. She said she usually chooses not to vote on a bill if she’s not comfortable with the current version but she believes it can be changed later to address her concerns.

“Sometimes it does, and then I end up supporting,” she said. “And sometimes it doesn’t.”

Assemblymember Robert Garcia, a Democrat representing the Rancho Cucamonga area, said he decided to vote “no” while he was running for his first term last year after reading a CalMatters story on Democratic Assemblymember Mike Fong of Alhambra. CalMatters reported that until then, Fong had never voted “no” in his legislative career.

“No knock on Mr. Fong,” Garcia said. “But I did feel that if you’re … going there to Sacramento, it’s to know the bills and to take a position and, you know, and not be on the sidelines.”

Garcia voted “no” 31 times this year, the third most of any Democrat. He missed 57 votes, which he said he didn’t intend to do.

Garcia said he got his schedule mixed up during the frantic final day of the legislative session, and he ended up not being present for part of the marathon push to vote on the hundreds of remaining measures pending before the deadline. Digital Democracy data shows that Garcia missed 25 votes on the final day of the session.

For his part, Fong voted “no” four times this year. He only missed six votes, the lowest rate of any rank-and-file lawmaker. Fong didn’t return an interview request for this story.

Republicans skip votes even more

Republicans continued this year to have substantially more missed votes than Democrats, due, they say, to having so little input in the legislative process. Republicans cast plenty of “no” votes though. The average Republican voted “no” 22% of the time.

Assemblymember Carl DeMaio speaks during an Assembly floor session at the state Capitol in Sacramento on Jan. 23, 2025. Photo by Fred Greaves for CalMatters.

Republican Assemblymember Carl DeMaio of San Diego had the highest percentage of “no” votes among the GOP legislators. He voted against bills 36% of the time.

DeMaio, who missed 135 votes this year, said he’s been trying to press his Republican colleagues to vote “no” more often instead of holding off.

But DeMaio leveled his sharpest criticism about not voting on the Democrats who control the Legislature.

“It’s the chickenshit way of saying, ‘Well, I think this is a really bad bill, but I don’t want to offend my colleague by voting ‘no,’ ” he said.

Fleischman, the conservative political commentator, says Republicans chicken out plenty, too.

He noted that several Republicans declined to vote on a slavery-reparations bill because they didn’t want to appear “against descendants of slaves, even though they knew the policy was bad.”

Tom Lackey, one of the nine Republicans who did not vote on the measure when it was on the Assembly floor, didn’t deny that rationale.

Lackey, who represents the Palmdale area, said he didn’t want to appear insensitive to Black members of his community. To him, since not voting counts the same as a “no,” it was a more polite way to oppose the policy.

“The way you say ‘no,’ sometimes it matters,” Lackey said. “And sometimes a soft ‘no’ is called for.”

Should absences count differently?

There’s also the question of whether it’s fair for legislators with excused absences to have their missed votes count the same as “no” votes. Some other states do it differently. Hawaii’s Legislature, for example, doesn’t count absent lawmakers when tallying votes.

Some of the lawmakers with high numbers of missed votes had excused absences this year.

They include Republican Assemblymember Kate Sanchez of Orange County, north state Republican Sen. Megan Dahle, Democratic Sen. Eloise Gómez Reyes of San Bernardino, Democratic Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan of San Ramon and Democratic Assemblymember Stephanie Nguyen of Elk Grove. Each missed hundreds of votes due to medical reasons or other excused absences.

Bauer-Kahan and Nguyen responded to CalMatters requests for an interview; the others did not. Bauer-Kahan sent an emailed statement that said of her 299 missed votes, more than 200 were due to excused absences.“Many, if not most, were while I was participating in critical discussions with global policy leaders about government’s role in fostering AI innovation while ensuring the safety of our communities,” Bauer-Kahan said.

Her office didn’t answer questions about whether the public should be able to more easily determine if their lawmakers missed votes because they weren’t there.

Nguyen said in an email that 75% of her 313 missed votes were due to absences, but she said she believes abstaining is a “responsible tool that reflects careful judgment” when a lawmaker doesn’t fully support a bill.

She also doesn’t feel the vote-tracking system needs fixing, saying the Legislature shouldn’t add more bureaucracy “because the system already makes clear whether a member voted yes, no, or did not vote.”

Republicans Lackey and DeMaio said they’d prefer the option of voting “present” as members of Congress do when they don’t want to take a position on a bill. At least that way, Lackey said, people would know they were at work that day.

Fleischman said it would be relatively easy for legislative leaders to change the vote tally to reflect absences on the Legislature’s website.

“You’ve got ‘NVR’ for ‘no vote recorded,’ and you should have an ‘ABS’ for ‘absent,’ ” he said.

Bains, the Kern County Democrat, said she thinks it’s worth considering such a change.

“I think that transparency would be welcomed by both sides,” she said. “I don’t see why it wouldn’t be.”

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Digital Democracy’s Foaad Khosmood, Forbes professor of computer engineering at Cal Poly San Luis Obispo, contributed to this story.

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With five weeks until election day, the fight over changing congressional districts in California to favor Democrats has already become one of the most expensive ballot measures in recent state history.

The official campaigns supporting and opposing Gov. Gavin Newsom’s Proposition 50 reported raising more than $215 million as of Oct. 2, with more than $100 million raised in September alone – the third most of any proposition for at least the past decade. Campaigns only spent more money on Prop. 22 in 2020, which would have changed the employment status of Lyft and Uber drivers, and Prop. 27 in 2022, which would have legalized online gambling.

The campaign to support Prop. 50, led by Newsom, raised more than $138 million with $49 million, or about 40% of the total, coming from donors who gave less than $100. Most of those contributions were reported by the House Majority PAC. Five major donors collectively contributed a little more than $25 million. They were:

• $10 million: House Majority PAC, a SuperPAC focused on electing Democrats to Congress;
• $10 million: George Soros’ Fund for Policy Reform, which focuses on drug policy and electoral reform, according to IRS filings;
• $6.9 million: MoveOn.org, a liberal grassroots organization;
• $3 million: The California Teachers Association, a powerful union with close ties to Democrats;
• $3 million: The National Education Association, the largest teachers union in the country that gives overwhelmingly to Democrats.

Newsom also transferred $2.6 million from his 2022 gubernatorial campaign. More than 68,000 unique contributors gave money to the “Yes” campaign, according to a CalMatters analysis of data from the California Secretary of State.

The groups opposing the redistricting measure are relying on two major donors who gave more than 90% of the $77 million raised for their campaign. They have a smaller share of small donors, raising $8,300 from people who gave less than $100. Below are the top five donors:

• $42 million: The Congressional Leadership Fund, a Super PAC controlled by Republican leadership in Congress;
• $33 million: Charles Munger Jr., who contributed to the original ballot measure that created the independent redistricting commission;
• $1 million: Kevin McCarthy, former Republican Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, who transferred the money from his campaign account, far less the $100 million he said he would raise a few weeks ago;
• $1 million: Thomas Siebel, a Bay Area billionaire businessman who is related to First Partner of California Jennifer Siebel Newsom;
• $50,000: Republican donor Susan Groff.

Other groups unaffiliated with the campaigns are spending money, too. At least fifteen organizations spent more than $540,000 in support through ad buys and outreach, while at least seven groups spent more than $570,000 in opposition.

Newsom proposed the ballot measure after the Trump administration pressured the state of Texas to gerrymander its congressional districts in a way that would flip five Democratic seats to Republican in the upcoming 2026 midterm election.

Newsom needs voter approval because Californians created an Independent Redistricting Commission through a 2008 ballot measure. Prop. 50 would suspend the maps drawn by that independent commission until 2030.

June 28, 2025. Taken far too soon. Kelli Ann Welch was born May 15, 1962 in Eureka. Kelli was raised in Humboldt and Trinity counties. Living with her Auntie in Salyer is where she had her fondest childhood memories. As an adult Kelli favored Humboldt County because it was neither too hot nor cold.

After graduating from Hoopa High School Kelli worked in hospitality at a motel her mom, Betty, managed. Later at a clothing store called Bistrin‘s. At first she was timid approaching customers. But honestly she found her calling here. Kelli worked at the Times-Standard newspaper in advertising, and then at Cox Cable.

In 1989 Kelli gave birth to her son, Shan. Everything she did evolved around him. Kelli started a jewelry business when Shan was young. Shan would help his mom, sometimes setting up for jewelry parties. To expand her jewelry business Kelli took classes at the College of the Redwoods to become a silversmith. She excelled in silversmithing and over the years made some exceptional pieces of jewelry.

As Kelli continued her jewelry business part time, she caught the Fire and Light “bug.” With much excitement, Kelli would attend Fire and Light seconds sales. Kelli loved finding the great deals!

Years later, Kelli would go to work for Fire and Light full-time. She was enamored by this job. She love talking to people and she love the glass product. She sometimes got to take small groups on tours of the facility. Kelli would often tell us how many thousands of pounds she would move in one day. It was hard to imagine but completely believable. Kelly lived a life with a spirit full of kindness and brought joy and love to people around her.

Losing our Auntie Rose and her job with Fire and Light (closed permanently) in 2019 was really hard on Kelli. Auntie Rose and Kelli were more like sisters, with only nine years between them. Kelli was a survivor. She had a great sense of humor, and was competitive by nature. Kelli was independent in life and loved spending time with family and friends. She’d loved card games, going to ladies bingo, playing pool and checking out all the local thrift stores. She loved camping and swimming. Kelli was an excellent baker, baking homemade pies and chocolate chip cookies. During the holidays Kelli never showed up empty-handed. She always had a gift or goodies in hand. It was important to her that everyone feel included.

Kelli was proud to say she paid off her house. She was tickled that she had something to leave Shan when it was her time to go.

The world should’ve stopped the day she died. She is missed.

There will be a celebration of life Saturday, October 25. Pop in from noon to 4 p.m. Food and dessert will be served. For information, call 707-839-1203. A head count will be appreciated.

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