California’s governor signed a slate of bills today aimed at beginning the process of reparations for Black descendants of enslaved people, including a measure that requires the state to apologize for perpetuating slavery.

The headliner bill signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom requires officials to sign and display a plaque in the state Capitol that includes the following: “The State of California apologizes for perpetuating the harms African Americans faced by having imbued racial prejudice through segregation, public and private discrimination, and unequal disbursal of state and federal funding and declares that such actions shall not be repeated.”

California joins a half-dozen states, including Alabama and Florida, in issuing such a formal apology.

Slavery wasn’t officially legal in California but was tolerated in the state’s early history. The formal apology was one of more than 100 recommendations made in a 2023 report by a California task force on reparations for the effects of slavery. The panel found that discriminatory laws and unlawful property seizures contributed to significant gaps in wealth, education, and health for generations of Black Californians. The task force recommended direct cash payments for descendants to repair the damage, but so far, the Legislature has not taken up that recommendation.

The California Legislative Black Caucus advanced 14 priority bills in January, including a proposal to provide financial aid for communities harmed by discrimination, another requiring the state to examine banned books in prisons, and another that would protect the right to wear “natural and protective” hairstyles in all competitive sports.

Newsom signed most of those 14 bills, but advocates have described many of them as only symbolic, noting that California political leaders have shied away from enacting more substantial reparations legislation.

On Wednesday, Newsom vetoed two of the Black Caucus’ slate of bills. One would have created a process for Black families to file a claim with the state if they believed the government seized their property through eminent domain due to discriminatory motives and without providing fair compensation. The other would have required Medi-Cal, the state’s public health insurance plan, to cover culturally relevant and medically supportive foods or nutrition interventions when deemed necessary by a healthcare provider.

Newsom said he vetoed the eminent domain bill, SB 1050 by Sen. Steven Bradford, because the state agency to carry out its provisions doesn’t exist. “I thank the author for his commitment to redressing past racial injustices,” Newsom wrote in his veto message.

Still, the governor’s vetoes dealt another blow to the years-long effort to help the state of California atone for its racist past, an effort being watched nationwide.

It followed what reparations advocates described as a crushing defeat last month. In the final hours of the legislative session, Black lawmakers blocked two reparations bills – one that would have created an agency to review reparations claims, including those of unjust property takings, and another that would have created a fund for future reparations payments. Newsom’s office declined to comment on those bills, saying the governor does not typically comment on pending legislation.

The caucus cited concerns that the Legislature would not have enough oversight over the agency’s operations. Assemblymember Lori Wilson, the caucus chairperson, declined to comment on the reparations fund bill because it wasn’t part of the caucus’s priority package.

The bills were blocked after Newsom’s administration pushed for the bill to create the agency that would have evaluated claims of unjust property takings to be turned into legislation that would have allocated $6 million to the California State University system to study how to implement the reparations task force’s recommendations, according to a document with proposed amendments.

The Alliance for Reparations, Reconciliation, and Truth, a coalition of Black power-building and justice groups in California, issued a statement expressing disappointment in Newsom’s veto of SB 1050.

“While SB 1050 and other important measures failed this session, we acknowledge the complexities of the current fiscal and political environment and remain committed to advocating for meaningful and impactful progress. We urge our community and allies to remain steadfast,” the group wrote.

The Coalition for a Just and Equitable California also expressed frustration with Newsom’s veto.

“The decision is yet another example of political leaders paying lip service to reparative justice while cowering in the face of true reparative action,” the group’s statement read. The group noted the legislation passed with more than 70 votes in the 80-member Assembly and 37 votes in the 40-member Senate and called on the Legislature to override Newsom’s veto.

“SB 1050 was not just a bill; it was a lifeline to families who have suffered generational harm due to wrongful property seizures. The veto sends a message that the state is unwilling to confront the full breath of its historical injustices,” the coalition wrote in a written statement.

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CalMatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.

Thrill to the spectacle of Logic and Accuracy Testing from the primary election two years ago.

Press release from the Humboldt County Elections Office:

The Humboldt County Office of Elections invites members of the Humboldt County Civil Grand Jury, political party organizations, the media and any member of the public interested in the election process to observe all aspects of the November 5, 2024 General Election. There are many upcoming opportunities to observe the election process.

Logic and Accuracy Testing

Logic and accuracy testing of the county’s voting machines will begin on Friday, Sep. 27 at 10 a.m. Before each election, the Office of Elections tests ballots and equipment to ensure correct readings of all ballot types. Ballot counting equipment is also tested to ensure it is fully functional and counting votes accurately. A Logic and Accuracy Observer Panel of up to two people will be convened, pursuant to the California Secretary of State’s approved logic and accuracy procedures, to certify the validity and outcome of the testing. This process is open to the public.

Ballot Processing

Vote by mail ballot processing will begin Tuesday, Oct. 8 at 8 a.m. and ballot counting will continue through Election Day on Nov. 5. Results from counted vote by mail ballots will be available shortly after 8 p.m. on Election Day. Counting will resume on Thursday, Nov. 7 and will continue through certification of the election on Thursday, Dec. 5. All ballot processing and counting will take place at the Humboldt County Office of Elections, located at 2426 Sixth St. in Eureka. This process is also open for public observation.

1% Manual Tally 

Pursuant to California Election Code Sections 336.5 and 15360, one percent of the voting precincts in an election are randomly selected for manual tallying of ballot votes to verify the accuracy of the automated count. Additionally, one precinct for each contest not included in the initial random selection is also manually tallied. Humboldt County’s random draw for the 1% manual tally will take place on Thursday, Nov. 7, with the tally starting  on Wednesday, Nov. 13 at 8 a.m. This process is open to the public and shall continue daily until completed, excluding on weekends and holidays unless otherwise determined by the Humboldt County Registrar of Voters.

How to Observe the Election Process

Observers will be welcomed at the Elections Office and at Vote Center locations while they are open through Election Day. Those interested in observing any aspect of the November 5, 2024 General Election process must contact the Elections Office at least 24 hours in advance.

For more information, please call 707-445-7481 or email humboldt_elections@co.humboldt.ca.us.

The Humboldt County Office of Elections is committed to providing the best possible service to voters, districts, candidates and interested parties and ensuring all eligible residents have an opportunity to exercise their right to vote and observe the election process. For more information on the November 5, 2024 election, please visit humboldtgov.org/elections.

About the Humboldt County Office of Elections

The Humboldt County Office of Elections is dedicated to conducting fair, accurate and transparent elections, ensuring the voice of the community is heard and that electoral integrity is maintained. The Elections Office is committed to upholding the democratic process, providing reliable information and maintaining an open line of communication with the public.

For more information, visit humboldtgov.org/elections.

Gov. Gavin Newsom’s funding plan for California schools violates the state’s constitution and could endanger school funding in years to come, according to a lawsuit filed today in Sacramento.

The California School Boards Association, which filed the suit, has been outspoken in its opposition to the plan since Newsom introduced his revised budget in May. The state already passed its budget and the lawsuit won’t affect money that’s already been allotted to schools, but the association hopes a judge will strike down what they described as Newsom’s “funding maneuver.”

The governor, trying to preserve funding for schools amid a tight economic climate, made up an $8.8 billion shortfall in the Proposition 98 school funding guarantee by borrowing from the state’s general fund.

“The manipulation … is unacceptable as it removes a funding safety net that has served schools for more than three decades and could be used by future governors and legislatures to avoid complying with the Proposition 98 funding guarantee,” association president Albert Gonzalez said.

Newsom’s office said the accounting move was not only legal, but saved schools from potential budget cuts.

“Because general fund revenues were significantly lower than estimated … the recalculated minimum guarantee for fiscal year 2022-23 is roughly $8.8 billion less than previously calculated,” Joe Stephenshaw, the state’s director of finance, wrote to legislative leaders in July. “To help address this decrease in the minimum guarantee without impacting school district and community college district budgets,” the budget shifts some spending sources.

Proposition 98, passed nearly 40 years ago, sets a minimum funding guarantee for California’s public schools. Based on a complex set of formulas, the guarantee is roughly 40% of the state’s budget, and pays for things such as teacher salaries and day-to-day operating expenses at the state’s 10,000 schools.

Newsom has invested heavily in schools during his stint as governor, funneling billions to programs like community schools, improved school meals, student mental health and other initiatives. He’s said that these programs are especially important as students recover from the pandemic, academically as well as emotionally.

California’s per-pupil spending, which used to be among the nation’s lowest, is now above average, according to the Public Policy Institute of California. In 2022-23, California spent $19,475 per student, counting revenue from all sources.

Overall, the education budget this year was $134 billion.

Schools are facing a precarious budget outlook, as federal pandemic relief money expires, absenteeism remains high and enrollment continues to drop in many parts of the state. California funds schools based on attendance, so fewer students in classrooms equals less revenue from the state.

Meanwhile, schools are trying to find money to maintain programs that have proven successful, such as academic tutoring, after-school programs and summer school. They’re also grappling with teacher shortages in some subjects, and raising salaries to attract and retain staff.

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CalMatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.

Jared Michael Ourique, born on October 7, 1984 in Richmond to Michael Ourique and Nancy Wilcox Coppock, passed away peacefully on September 16, 2024 in Fortuna.

Anyone who knew Jared knew his warmth, his loving smile, his goofy laugh, and his love of sharing knowledge. He moved to Humboldt County to attend (then) HSU, where he acquired a Bachelor’s Degree in Teaching the English Language Arts, a Bachelor’s Degree in Native American Studies, and his Teaching Credential. He spent the majority of his career passing along his love of literature, theater, pop culture, and bad dad jokes to countless students.

Jared was a bright spot for many. He was everyone’s biggest fan and supporter, always encouraging his two children, students, friends and family to try their hardest, be their best, and pursue what made them the happiest. To know Jared was to know his friendship, his unwavering support, his infectious smile and his authentic whimsy.

Much of the center of his heart and his teaching was the wellness of others. He was a safe space and comfort for many. Anyone could count on him to break the tension with his cheeky grin and chuckle, before providing a goofy fact, a corny joke, or a truly excellent recommendation of a book, show, or song. In his short life, he was able to make so many people feel rooted, at home, and an ultimate sense of belonging.

He is survived by many who loved him, including his two beloved children, his father (Michael), mother (Nancy), stepfather (Monty), his three sisters (Kelsey, Lindsey, and Molly), Elyse and Jennifer, and countless other family members and friends.

In lieu of flowers, if you are inclined, donations can be made in the names of his Children at Coast Central Credit Union under the accounts:

Elizabeth Ourique: 388925
Oliver Ourique: 388924

Jared will be missed by many. Please join us to remember him on Sunday, October 13, from 1 to 4 p.m. at the Van Duzen River Grange, located at 5250 Hwy 36, Carlotta, CA 95528.

For California political observers, the housing plan that Kamala Harris recently unveiled may have caused a twinge of familiarity.

As a central plank of her agenda to “lower costs for American families,” the Democratic presidential nominee pledged in August to build 3 million additional affordable homes and rentals over the next four years to address “a serious housing shortage across America” — echoing Gov. Gavin Newsom’s platform during his first gubernatorial campaign in 2018, when he called for California to add 3.5 million housing units by 2025.

Housing policy experts are enthusiastic about many of the ideas that Harris floated to promote production, which include creating a new tax incentive for developers who build starter homes for first-time homebuyers, expanding a tax incentive for affordable rental housing projects and establishing a $40 billion “innovation fund” to finance construction, as well as repurposing some federal land for housing and streamlining the permitting processes for projects.

Michael Lens, a professor of urban planning and public policy at UCLA, called it a wonk’s wish list: “This is all of the stuff we talk about at dorky academic conferences.”

But transforming the housing market from the top is difficult, as Newsom’s experience has demonstrated.

While California has increased production during his time in office — about 112,000 units were completed last year, according to the Department of Housing and Community Development, compared to about 70,000 in 2018 — it is still only building at a fifth of the rate necessary to meet his original target.

The governor has since acknowledged that 3.5 million units “was always a stretch goal” and scaled back. His office declined an interview request for this story.

Even with new policy priorities in place, high construction costs, onerous regulations, lack of public funding and community resistance remain major hurdles to supercharging homebuilding in California — offering lessons for a potential Harris administration.

“You’re going to be limited in your ability to change things on the ground,” said Ben Metcalf, a former state and federal housing official who is now managing director of the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley. “Even when you are trying to move carrots and sticks, you find years later, what do you have to show?”

Set manageable goals

The high cost of housing has long been a top concern for Californians, but the problem is spreading across the nation. Industry data indicates that home prices exploded over the past five years, up more than 50% since 2019, while rent surged by about a third during that time, oustripping raises.

People moving from expensive cities to outlying areas for more affordable housing or moving into bigger homes during the coronavirus pandemic has driven up demand in new places, while even many recent pro-growth boom towns are becoming strained by the natural limits of expansion or a dimming taste for development.

“There is plenty of reason to think that it could get worse, in the sense that California is a bellwether,” Lens said.

Construction is constrained in California by pricey land, local zoning limits and fees, lengthy permitting processes and the threat of litigation, all of which drive up the cost of building and make it difficult for many projects to pencil out financially.

It’s unclear where the Harris campaign came up with its goal of 3 million housing units over the next four years — or how exactly it would measure success, given the emphasis on affordability. A campaign spokesperson did not respond to questions seeking a more detailed explanation, though he did clarify that this would be above current production.

That would require a President Harris to immediately boost construction nationwide by 50%, to levels not seen since before the housing market crashed during the 2008 financial crisis. The country built about 1.45 million new homes last year, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.

The strategy carries some political risk. Newsom set an ambitious housing goal as a candidate for governor, which would have required California to build 500,000 new homes per year, and then faced criticism for falling short.

Gov. Gavin Newsom during a press conference where he signed new gun legislation into law at the Capitol Annex Swing Space in Sacramento on Sept. 26, 2023. Photo by Miguel Gutierrez Jr., CalMatters

Metcalf noted that Harris’ plan for 3 million homes is more aggressive than the 2 million figure that President Joe Biden was campaigning on before he dropped out of the race this summer, but far below the Housing and Urban Development Act of 1968, which targeted the construction or rehabilitation of 26 million units over the next decade, including six million for low- and moderate-income families.

“The last time we saw an incoming president really putting a big, bold number on the board was that,” Metcalf said. “She wants to be able to campaign for a second term saying, ‘Hey, we did it.’”

Clear regulatory hurdles

California officials are undertaking a serious push to make it easier to build housing. Over the past several years, they have passed major legislation that allows landowners to add additional units on single-family lots in residential neighborhoods, streamlines the process for turning empty commercial properties into housing, shields certain affordable projects from lengthy environmental reviews and legal challenges, opens up land owned by religious institutions and colleges for construction, and gives developers more tools to speed up permitting in uncooperative cities and counties.

Advocates projected these policies could unlock millions of new homes across the state, but the impact so far has been significantly more modest.

“That’s a precursor to making a lot of these things work,” Lens said. “We have to make housing more allowable in more places.”

New housing construction in Elk Grove on July 8, 2022. Photo by Rahul Lal, CalMatters

A series of laws to encourage more “accessory dwelling units” has been a promising exception, according to Chris Elmendorf, a UC Davis law professor with an expertise in land use and housing law. Since California forced local governments to waive fees and affordability requirements and grant faster approval for backyard cottages and other secondary units, the state has seen a boom of ADU construction.

Elmendorf said Harris’ proposed tax incentive for starter homes — which is not an official category, but generally refers to more modest housing that provides a cheaper entry point into the market — could similarly provide a quick jolt to the housing supply.

“If the goal is to promote small, inexpensive, market-rate homes, that’s really different than what California has been doing,” Elmendorf said. “California has been able to pass a lot of laws, but it hasn’t been able to pass many laws that make housing economically feasible.”

Experts argue that California has not been able to maximize the effectiveness of its new pro-housing laws because it is prioritizing so many other goals — demands to use union labor, requirements for more deed-restricted affordable units to reduce gentrification, environmental considerations to discourage sprawl and climate risks — that it’s still too expensive to build here.

“California has been able to pass a lot of laws, but it hasn’t been able to pass many laws that make housing economically feasible.”
— Chris Elmendorf, law professor at UC Davis

The high costs for workers, materials and local regulations have been compounded lately by elevated interest rates, which drive up the price tag to finance projects and may actually be reversing California’s progress on construction. Metcalf compared it to a straw breaking the camel’s back for the building industry.

“That’s something that we’ve made almost no progress on as a state,” he said. “Once you have the table set, if the costs are too high, then nothing gets built.”

It’s of particular concern for affordable housing developers, who rely heavily on public funding. Chione Lucina Muñoz Flegal, executive director of the affordable housing advocacy group Housing California, said that despite state laws that have made it easier to plan projects, developers continue to struggle to pull together enough money to get them over the finish line.

She is hopeful about a surge in financial support — through the tax incentives and innovation fund in Harris’ plan — that has been unavailable from state or local governments, which she said have not generally prioritized money for affordable housing because constituents do not understand the benefits.

“There’s a narrative challenge that we’re grappling with that often translates into a political challenge,” Flegal said. “That’s a way the federal government could be impactful in a way the state could never be.”

Use sticks as well as carrots

Though Newsom made clear his desire to boost housing production in California, not everyone has been on board with his approach.

Some cities, particularly wealthy or coastal suburbs, have vigorously fought to restrict additional development in their own communities, resisting a state mandate to plan for far more housing and suing to exempt themselves or overturn new laws that make it easier to build more densely. They contend these policies would destroy the character of their communities.

Newsom, who argues that everyone must do their part to solve the crisis, has cracked down by creating a new enforcement unit within the state housing department and suing the most intransigent cities for failing to approve housing plans or even specific projects.

A framer works to build the Ruby Street apartments in Castro Valley on Feb. 6, 2024. The construction project is funded by the No Place Like Home bond, which passed in 2018 to create affordable housing for homeless residents experiencing mental health issues. Photo by Camille Cohen for CalMatters

But the federal government does not have the same legal authority that California has given itself to demand local communities build more housing, and there’s no guarantee that Congress would be willing to step in to play more of a role in what has traditionally been a local matter in most states.

“Plans don’t translate into outcomes if people don’t want to build housing,” Elmendorf said.

So to reach her goal of 3 million new homes, Harris would have to rely more on the proposed incentives, such as the tax breaks for starter homes and affordable rentals and the innovation fund, for voluntary compliance.

Experts believe she has a good political opportunity to actually get her plan passed. Congress will be under pressure next year to extend a series of tax cuts made under former President Donald Trump that are set to expire at the end of 2025, which could be used as a bargaining chip for Harris’ housing proposals.

The federal government also has the power of the purse on a scale well beyond California, which it could amplify through regulations — such as tying transportation dollars to building more housing — that make supporting development the more desirable option.

California has tried this type of regulatory incentive, encouraging local governments to remove obstacles to construction with grant money and creating a “pro-housing designation” for cities that adopt streamlined development policies, which gives them privileged access to state funds.

“Unfortunately, that pro-housing designation is not based on outcomes. So that’s a fundamental problem,” Elmendorf said. “That’s something Harris will have to figure out.”

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CalMatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.

Sandra “Sandy” Lee Heddinger passed away peacefully the evening of September 19, 2024 in Eureka while encompassed by love and family.

A devoted gardener, Sandy brought beauty and life to her surroundings, nurturing not just plants but also those who knew her. She could always be found puttering in her garden, pulling weeds and watering her beautiful flowers. She had a particular fondness for hummingbirds which could be seen at the many feeders set up through her gardens, and Sandy took great pleasure in watching them flit among the plants. The only thing that brought Sandy more joy than her garden were her loved ones.

Sandy had an established career working at Safeway, and she could always be counted on for a cheery greeting and a helping hand. Many of her long-standing customers from Safeway, became customers in a new way when she bought the best pizza joint in town, Babe’s Pizza. Sandy’s hard work was a key to Babe’s success, but her favorite part of owning her pizza joint was always the people she met while there. She was always floating from group to group, telling jokes, offering up toasts. After making the decision to sells Babe’s, she took her infectious smile to Costco, where her open and friendly demeanor was perfect for passing out samples. Throughout her long career, at Safeway, Babe’s and Costco, it was her dedication and vibrant energy that made a lasting impact on colleagues and customers alike.

Sandy will be missed and always remembered by her children Douglas Jr Simmonds (Jody), Carmen Clark (Robert), and Terri Heddinger; as well as her grandchildren Mandy, Joseph, Matthew, Michael, Ricky, Douglas III, Alisha, Katie, and Tyler; and her dear friends Kathy, Chris and Lisa.

Sandy was predeceased by her parents, Santina DelGrande and Hap Churchman and her daughter Angela Simmonds.

Sandy’s memory will live on through her loved ones, any time they see a hummingbird, or hear a Barry Manilow song on the radio. Her family encourages all who were lucky enough to know Sandy to take a moment to reflect on her life and the joy that Sandy brought to those around her.

We’re closing in on the end of September, so now’s the time to look back and reflect on the year that has been. And all told: Pretty damned good year, wasn’t it? Pretty wet!

We’re talking about the “water year,” of course – that period from Oct. 1 to Sept. 30 that meteorologists and other scientists use to talk about rainfall here in the U.S. of A. Look at the LoCO weather report down at the bottom of our homepage. See the line for “year to date” precipitation? On Oct. 2, that number will reset to zero. That’s because we’re talking about the water year, not the calendar year.

Anyway, to repeat ourselves: Pretty damned good! This year, for the first year since 2016-2017, we had a significantly wetter year than average. (I’m arbitrarily defining “significantly wetter,” here, as 20 percent above average.) The year before – 2022-2023 – was about average. Before that: Three years of severe California drought.

Here’s how 2023-2024 has played out:

Started off, in the first three months, just barely struggling to keep pace. But as of January 1, the skies really cut loose! We’re talking flood warnings. Highway closures. Snow packing. Major coastal erosion. Inconvenient in the moment, but we banked some moisture for the summer months.

Hats off to the 2023-2024 water year. But what’s the long-term forecast? Are we going to keep this streak alive, or are we headed back to drought days?

Short answer: No one knows! And that’s because the usual thing the meteorologists talk about when they talk about long-term forecasts are El Niño or La Niña patterns in the Pacific Ocean. And though these patterns can have very dramatic effects elsewhere in the world, it turns out that they have little bearing on the amount of rainfall we get here on the North Coast.

You see that? By far the wettest year we’ve had in the last decade was a La Niña year … but so was the very driest year! Same with El Niño years – they can be wet or dry, at least here in Humboldt.

For what it’s worth, this year they’re predicting a very high probability of a weak-ish La Niña pattern forming sometime soon, which would mean generally a drier-than-average winter for the state of California as a whole.

While we have you: If you’re a real weather nerd, the National Weather Service’s ENSO Blog is a surprisingly lively and fun read that is more or less accessible to the lay reader. (“ENSO” is the acronym for “ El Niño-Southern Oscillation,” the technical name for the El Niño/La Niña cycle.) Also, of course, you should be tuned in to the super-geeky Weather West blog.